The requirements formulated by OCLP include the resignation of the unpopular Chief Executive CY Leu

Hong Kong: the former British chemi colis daqalebi colony chemi colis daqalebi which still left drive traffic and double-decker buses provide bus transport; the busy metropolis chemi colis daqalebi with pure high-rise and a superb financial center; Autonomous Region is a dot on the map of the superpower China. The mass protests, which are taking place, disrupt these familiar images chemi colis daqalebi of Hong Kong. This calls for a new perspective on the city, even wearing colonial history, the neo-liberal style of city government, and the Chinese authoritarian political system to the emergence of the current situation.
The Umbrella Revolution Hong Kong is now six days old. The rebellion broke out on 28 September. Striking students and citizens were occupied chemi colis daqalebi Civic Square, which is near the government buildings. The occupation of the square was suppressed chemi colis daqalebi by force. This flooded the streets filled with people. The movement for civil disobedience Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) brought forward the start date of the planned occupation to join the protest of the students.
The requirements formulated by OCLP include the resignation of the unpopular Chief Executive CY Leung and withdrawal of the proposal of the National chemi colis daqalebi People's Congress Standing Committee for the elections of 2017. Under this proposal, each candidate for the top job of Chief Executive chemi colis daqalebi in Hong Kong requires the approval of 50% of a nominating committee, which de facto pro-Beijing. In addition, the candidate in Beijing assessed by the central government on his patriotism.
Change? If we draw international scientists around the world. We are currently stationed in Hong Kong. For our study, we analyze urban protest movements and democratic politics. We want this perspective and reporting on location, bring the special context and history of Hong Kong in connection with political manifestations internationally are becoming more common. And organizational methods chemi colis daqalebi To this end, we interviewed fellow scientists, student activists, as well as post-graduate students from mainland China studying in Hong Kong.
The first question we asked our academic colleagues, was the historical legacy: aim at the current protests change in Hong Kong or in China? Denise Ho teaches contemporary Chinese history. She explained that at the time of the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China in 1997, the general expectation was that China would eventually move on to democracy. chemi colis daqalebi The promise to Hong Kong for a constitutional democracy This would also be realized. chemi colis daqalebi "First chemi colis daqalebi there were speculations about the imminent collapse of China, then explanations how the Chinese state has only grown. This is the prospect of growth in constitutional democracy has become questionable. "
Siu-Leung Li, who is a professor in cultural studies, confirmed Ho's conclusion that over the years the expectation disappeared that "Hong Kong democracy would get when China had it." The frustration about the totalitarian grip of Beijing on the constitutional reform process in Hong Kong led to a new sense of local identity, distinct from China's cultural identity. Li stated, "Few people still believe in a changing China that brings about changes in Hong Kong. Hong Kong will stand up for themselves. Hong Kong will fight for its own survival. "
Mee Kam Ng, a stadsgeografe emphasized that preserving the unique future-oriented nature of Hong Kong central. "The point is to ensure that Hong Kong is not a typical Chinese city [...]. Care Hong Kong has always been the breeding ground of revolutionary changes in China in recent history. "
No Tianamen chemi colis daqalebi The conviction of the identity and future of Hong Kong is growing. Therefore, attempts to the current situation in Hong Kong from the perspective of events in China's history is very controversial.
Opponents of the student strikes and OCLP draw historical parrallellen the Red Guards. This was people who were associated with the former estabishment and supposed moderates during the Cultural Revolution. Ng pointed out this thought: "The students are not Red Guards. The Red Guards was incited by the political struggle within the Communist Party. The Red Guards had no idea what democracy is. "
Li noted that the reference to the Red Guards by the pro-Beijing supporters "a sign of severe schizophrenia of these humans. Some are self-Red Guards or had been tireless supporters of Mao and the Cultural Revolution. "
Other commentators have compared with the pro-democracy student uprising that led to the attack on the Tiananmen Square in 1989. Ho made, however, felt that the comparison with Tiananmen "not enough law do